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Skip to main content. Log In Sign Up. Journal of Language and Politics, Introduction Latino scholars have argued that there is a pressing need to create a Latino public intellectual sphere in which a myriad of issues affecting Latinos may libbros discussed e. Mendieta ; Moya One of these postings featured a video-clip made up of a collage of images of, principally, Barack Obama campaigning in front of, or interacting with, Latino groups in the US. The video-clip attracted thousands of viewings and, importantly for our research, triggered numerous comments in which Patriica engaged in ethnic mainly, Latino identity construction as they discussed politics.

This study examines Latino identity construction in such comments. According to Van Dijksuch schemata allow members of a given group to provide answers to questions such as who they are, what criteria need to be met for membership in their group, and what stoko of relationships are established among their group and other social groups.

Latino identity is first examined in the context of YouTube and within the larger frame of US politics section 2. The methodology adopted in our study is next explained section 3. stokkoe

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Results are reported and discussed in sections 4 and 5, respectively. Conclusions based on these results are presented in section 6. YouTube and US politics: For the first time, for instance, all 16 one time presidential candidates used YouTube as a platform for their campaigns MayAuthor1and campaign songs posted in YouTube achieved a high-profile in the elections Mar-Molinero The video-clip that triggered the comments examined in this article constitutes a clear example of the latter.

It was posted during the US primaries and featured a Reggaeton — a music genre closely associated with Latino youth Rivera – the patriica of which in Spanish hailed Obama as the best candidate for the interests of the Latino population in the US. During the US primaries, then Democrat Senator Clinton had been believed to be favored by this sector of the American population and there were serious doubts patriica candidate Obama could win the Latino vote.

Obama not only won the primaries but he also went on to win the presidential election by 36 percentage points against Senator McCain, a pro-reform Republican. As the largest minority in the country, with an estimated total of Furthermore, based on recent Census Bureau projections, roughly 30 percent of the US population c.

Consequently, US candidates have increased their efforts to reach them. Against this backdrop, it is important to note that the number of Latino online users is growing faster than that of the overall US online audience comScore, http: Hence, our study is interested in how Latinos positioned themselves as members of social groups — accepting, contesting, or ratifying their Latino ethnic identity — as they discussed politics via YouTube comments in response to the Obama Reggaeton OR henceforth posting.

A common descent, a shared cultural heritage, and the history of both their interaction with others and with the environment are what constitute them as a people, rather than political aspirations for autonomy. In an interview, young Dominican-American writer Angie Cruz expresses the same idea when she reminisces her sojourn in Europe: Overall, however, little attention has been given to the processes by which individuals establish their identities as members of social groups within the frame of on-line communities Androutsopoulos a.

YouTube provides a deindividuated interactional context where social identity, including ethnic identity, is salient. Thus, for instance, the massive participation of Latinos in the YouTube discussions triggered by the OR video-clip on which this study is based was determined by its subject matter. Also, a main difference between the Latino and other migrant groups is that the latter tend to have a distinct and recognizable national identity e.


Latinos, too, leave their countries of origin as Salvadorians, Cubans, Mexicans and so forth. Yet the Latino identity exhibits considerable variation, including in terms of degrees of assimilation into the US culture among national groups. This allows them to maintain ties to both their country of origin and their country of adoption, as well as to their cultures and languages, which poses problems for traditional views of assimilation for, as a result of transnationalism, migrants assimilate much more slowly into mainstream culture.

patricia stokoe libros pdf de ingles

Latino identity construction, then, is fundamentally a political issue, both in the narrow and the broad sense of the word political see Gee ; Joseph Data Our corpus consists of consecutive YouTube llibros totaling c. Two reasons led to our selecting the Pxtricia posting. First, it explicitly addressed the Latino population, which made us expect many Latinos to respond to it with comments. A pilot analysis of the corpus proved our expectation correct, with most YouTubers identifying themselves as Latinos either explicitly or implicitly, for example, by commencing their comment in English and then code-switching to Spanish.

Second, it subject matter — the benefits for Latinos to vote for Obama — was explicitly political. As mentioned in Section 2, ethnic categories are central to US social discourse in general and political discourse in particular, including that generated in Web 2. We therefore also expected that the Latinos participating in the YouTube discussion triggered by the OR video-clip would incorporate the saliency of ethnicity into their political discussion comments.

The Latino identity is regarded stoke our work as a social identity, which is only knowable to the analyst through the understandings displayed by participants cf. In other words, categories are locally constructed. In our study, these local constructions take the form of YouTube comments sent in response to the OR posting.

For Van Dijkthe cognitive representations of a group are not the sole components of group identity. Social practices and forms of organization, too, play a major role in its definition, redefinition and reproduction. Stlkoe form schemata through which group members represent social dimensions and social relationships: Ideologies are therefore organized by group schemata, each of which consists of a number of fundamental categories that codify how people identify themselves and others as group members.

These categories latricia both the constitution of social groups and the social stoke shared by group members. Furthermore, there is no need for these categories – and dee social practices and positions based on them —to apply patricja or be recognized by all group members, only by its core members and a significant number of its non-core, peripheral ones Van Dijk This matrix is devised on the basis of a critical survey of the theoretical literature and a pilot analysis of the data.

Different patrricia correspond to different social macro-functions, i. In our study, this pilot analysis was applied to of randomly selected comments. It is possible that the taxonomy be further revised at this stage.

All four analytic patticia were first independently and then jointly conducted by the authors of this study. As there may be some overlap between thematic contents, differences concerning assignment of stretches of discourse in the corpus to one or more of them were resolved through discussion.

For instance, when more than one content was invoked, the relevant part libgos the comment was assigned to the more salient content therein. Moreover, our analysis combined quantitative and qualitative methods 5.

De Fina The Latino identity ztokoe a taxonomy based on critical reading of extant literature and a pilot analysis ,ibros the fe Our critical survey of the relevant literature and pilot analysis led to identification of six main thematic contents.

Latino as the preferred label to refer to a pan-ethnic group It is not surprising for issues of nomenclature to emerge as a fundamental category in discussions of ethnic identity. However, many of those referred to by the Hispanic label voiced their dissatisfaction with it from the start.

Scholarly views vary considerably. Yet others, such as Angie Cruz, resist any generic labels. She states that she is opposed to being labeled a Latino writer, which she perceives as an advertising ploy Latorre National versus pan-ethnic Latino identity In addition to issues of nomenclature, the crux of the construction of the Latino identity seems to be the tension established between, on the one hand, preserving allegiance to national groups and, on the other, giving it up to embrace the US based Latino group.

As the Latino identity is, within the context of the Patricla, highly racialized and stigmatized, US Latinos could pwtricia be expected to opt for claiming librps national rather than a pan-ethnic Latino identity. US Latinos may trace their origin back to 20 plus countries in Latin America. They may speak languages different from Spanish. Citing dtokoe from the mids, Campbell reports that there are hundreds of indigenous languages still spoken today in Latin America.


Also, they may be English monolingual, fifth generation Latinos, or first generation, immigrant, Spanish monolingual Latinos. Therefore, positioning themselves as Latinos may be in conflict librod preserving their previous national identities; and preserving those national identities may stand in the way of constructing a Latino identity. Constructing a pan-ethnic Latino identity Norris argues that the national and the Latino identities can be simultaneously constructed by fore-grounding, mid-grounding and back-grounding the other and vice-versa.

However, other scholars argue that becoming a coherent Latino community has been seen as an accessory to achieve political power so as to effect progressive social change AlcoffMoyaNorris For stokod authors, Latinos may not share an essence but they do share an identity, grounded historically in kin relationships Maldonado-Torres Alcoff argues, along similar lines, that it is not phenotype, but features associated with culture – such as language, religious practices, values and ways of comportment — that better unite Latinos.

Garcia-Bedolla tackles this paradox in her insightful empirical study of Latino identity. She concludes that a positive social identity is associated with Spanish-English bilingualism within these communities. Speaking only Spanish is seen as a weakness, but there is an expectation that Latinos will nevertheless be fluent in Spanish. The interest of heritage speakers in the US to learn Spanish is also evident patrivia the increase in Spanish as a second language courses targeting this population in the country.

However, either Peninsular Spanish or prestige Latin American varieties, rather than those spoken by heritage learners, are often selected for these classes, in which there is also an excessive focus on literary, rather than everyday language usage.

Despite a widespread view that US Spanish is highly influenced by English, Lipski argues that US Spanish maintains its syntactic, morphological, and phonetic integrity although it is also marked by the mutual influence that characterizes the relationship between languages in bilingual areas.

Mendieta reflects on fe attitudes held towards race in the US versus those held in Latin America. In Latin America, class — not race — is the central category.

Also, in the USA, race is about domination and exclusion, whereas in Latin America race is about hegemony and inclusion. Furthermore, in Latin America, contrary to the US, racial relations have been dominated by five hundred years of mestizaje, i. This mystification and disorientation are probably compounded by the fact that the Latino identity is often presented as a racial identity, despite the fact that Latinos can be of any race AlcoffMaldonado-Torres Reactions to racialization by Latinos, for their part, have varied.

Yet, for others, racial differences among Latin Americans should not be an obstacle to creating a libro sense of in-group for Latinos in the context of the US that will contribute to denounce injustice and resist hegemony. Those Latinos who are stokos, it is therefore argued, should embrace racialization to support those who are not and are thus even more discriminated against cf. In the Census, Hispanic is not included as a race option.

Constructing the Latino identity in comments sent in response to the OR posting The taxonomy described in 5. The left-hand column in Table 1 lists the thematic contents relating to the Latino identity and the right-hand column shows their frequency of use ed Table 1 — Main thematic contents relating to the discursive construction of Latino identity.

Latino as preferred or more appropriate pan- 81 ethnic term II.

National versus pan-ethnic Latino identity 44 III. Constructing a pan-ethnic Latino identity 80 IV. Paradoxical status of the Spanish language with the Latino community 19 V. Latinos, Whites and Blacks — racialization of identities 48 The most frequent thematic contents in our corpus were I Issues of Nomenclature and III Construction of a Pan-ethnic Termwith 81 and 80 instances, respectively.