Download Audiobooks narrated by Abdallah Laroui to your device. Audible provides the highest quality audio and narration. Your first book is Free with trial!. About Abdallah Laroui: عبد الله العرويAbdallah Laroui (born , in Azemmour ) (Arabic: عبدالله العروي) is a Moroccan historian and novelist writing i. Abdallah Laroui has 28 books on Goodreads with ratings. Abdallah Laroui’s most popular book is مفهوم الحرية.
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He has published extensively in French, Arabic, and English on contemporary Arab ideologies, Islam, modernity, and Maghrebi history. Laroui was born in Azemmour, Morocco, in into an educated Arabic-speaking family that was engaged in government service. He briefly attended Qur’an school and then public school. He studied the ideas of Karl Marx as a historian and a theoretician but not as a prophet. He became interested in the history of the Islamic world and studied contemporary Arabic thought as an independent scholar.
He then returned to Morocco where he worked in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. He taught the history of North Africa as a visiting professor at the University of CaliforniaLos Angeles in —, then returned to Rabat, where he taught methods of historical research until he retired as university professor emeritus in He has for many years been an active member of the Royal Society of Morocco.
Whoever affirms categorically that such and such Western value-system, be it liberalism, rationalism, humanism, etc. His assertion means no more than that the West, as he defines it, is never to be found in the non-West.
I see the same tautology behind the so-called uniqueness of Islam, and during the last two decades my main concern was to unveil it to Muslim audiences.
I continue then the same battle, in different circumstances, using the same language, the same logic….
The collapse of the Berlin wall was not due to the policy of containment, blockade, propaganda as much as to a wise policy of easy term loans, free trade and enhanced cultural exchanges. The same strategy should secure the same results elsewhere. Sooner or later a developing society frees itself from ideas and ideals that do no longer correspond to its new aspirations.
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For reasons I need not detail here such an evolution will probably occur more easily in the “Ajam” countries of Asia than in the Arab Middle East and North Africa, not because the former are less religious but simply because the latter are on the whole less fortunate. Seeing that happening some time in the future, somewhere in the vast Islamic world, seeing that the law of society has at last prevailed over the orders of tradition or the commands of ideology, many will, I am sure, cry out, as they do now, facing the staggering performances of some Asian nations: Well, the seeds were always there; we failed to see them before, but now we take notice and we cheer.
He argued that Arab intellectuals and leaders should understand that the underlying processes of history govern all societies and are not specific to any region or civilization.
It was not enough to call for scientific or technological advance without a better understanding of history. His ideas ladoui many Arab intellectuals seeking to understand the weakness of Arab societies manifested during the June war, and impressed Gustave von Grunebaum, a leading scholar at the University of California, Los Angeles UCLAwho invited him to teach at UCLA for the academic year — His book L’Histoire qbdellah Maghreb: He returned to Morocco to write his doctoral dissertation, which he defended in and published in as Les Origines sociales et culturelles du nationalisme marocain, — The social and cultural origins of Moroccan nationalism, — In this work he analyzed Moroccan nationalism as a case of delayed consciousness and argued that nationalists prefer to hold on to their traditions rather than to see historical reality as it is.
He developed his ideas in La crise des intellectuels arabes: Arab intellectuals must break with traditionalism and work out—with the tools of historicism—new approaches to language reform and social policy.
An historicist analysis can lead to the reform of the Arabic script, to women’s liberation, and to urban planning.
For Laroui, intellectual Marxism is the easiest and adellah way to grasp the analytical logic of historicism or the workings of history. Laroui disagreed with those who took critiques of Orientalism to mean that only Arabs or Muslims could write about themselves.
Philosophers of the Arabs – ah Laroui
He was, however, sympathetic to the view that the study of the “Orient” should be understood in the context of European imperial political interests, just as Arab cultural output should be understood in the context of Arab nationalism. He criticized the Orientalists who tended to stop with linguistic analysis.
He believed that it was possible to work toward an objective science of society, whether it is called sociology, anthropology, or history.
Insiders and outsiders should struggle for objectivity, though absolute objectivity was not possible. Western scholars may have a better understanding of comparative history, while Muslim scholars may understand the language or culture.
For Laroui, contemporary Arab thought is more concerned with the Western world than it is with Islamic ideas. He disagreed with those who argued that Islamic culture was different from others in essential ways; he consistently argued that history is a science and that the laws of history can be applied everywhere.
Islamists, on the other hand, believe that historical laws were given from the beginning in a well-guarded book kitab mahfuz. Laroui urges scholars to study the role of polygamy and the relation between family structure and war in Islamic history, and has argued that historians should specialize not only in history but also in literature, economics, linguistics, philosophy—anything but just history.
Laroui himself has written several novels, and in recent years has been publishing his memoirs, Khawatir al-Sabah Recollections. Volume three, covering the years towas published in Laroui is widely recognized for his contributions to the international debate on Western and Islamic modernity.
He is best known for his advocacy of historicism in a framework of Hegelian and Marxist humanism. For Islamic modernists who struggle to reclaim a sense of authenticity, Laroui’s insistence that the tools of history apply equally and inexorably to Islamic and to all other religious and cultural traditions has been enormously influential.
He has placed Islamic philosophy in a universal context. In the post era, his critique of Arab culture encouraged Arab intellectuals to question the nature of the Arab nation-state and to find it parochial and inauthentic. Laroui’s most important legacy may be his critique of the “Islamic” state.
He has argued that this state, with its authoritarian and reactionary tendencies and rejection of open dialogue with the West, is a manifestation of the class interests of the petit bourgeoisie rather than of inherently Islamic or Arab values. He calls for a liberal bourgeois state that opposes the authoritarian Islamic state and that allows for academic and artistic freedom. La crise des intellectuels arabes: The Crisis of the Arab Intellectual: Translated by Diarmid Cammell.
University of California Press, Les origines sociales et culturelles du nationalisme marocain, — [The social and cultural origins of Moroccan nationalism, —].
The History of the Maghrib: Princeton University Press, Arab Cultural Center, Le Maroc et Hassan II: Les Presses Inter Universitaires, and Casablanca: Arab Cultural Center, Autour de la pensee de Abdallah Laroui [Debating Laroui’s theory].
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